New Directions for Agriculture in Reducing Poverty

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Re: Growth and Poverty mailing list - first summary from the moderator



Dear Moderator,

I sent my contribution to Dick Tinsley but I also think its relevant for
this disscussion group. I've worked in the agri-development field and
recently with the University of Exeter running a project on 'Joint Venturing
in dairy farming'.

I agreed with the adverse comments regarding agricultural co-operatives from
Dick Tinsley. Farmers can often co-operate with just one or two other
farmers who they know well, hence the fact that joint ventures have a record
of being established successfully whereas co-ops tend to be too cumbersome.
Fine for marketing or supply problems but cumbersome in the horizontal
co-operation context.

I looked at JVs because there is a need for them in the small scale farming
dairy sector where economies of scale are so important to make a living. The
problem is the 'legal infrastructure' to unite farmers hitherto has not been
well known. Farmers need to keep their independence (although they must be
prepared to be interdependent), they need to gain economies of scale, use
other peoples know-how and reap greater profits than working alone.

We found two legal infrastructures, namely the 'service company' and a form
of 'share farming agreement' that allows farmers to do all of these things.
The principle is applicable to smallholders whether they own or rent land
and in the developed as well as in developing contexts.

What is required is for Government Aid institutions and NGOs to examine the
concept closely and pilot some projects in different circumstances. I would
be very pleased to supply more information (a technical paper) about our
project should anyone be interested.

John Hambly
Senior Research Fellow

----- Original Message -----
From: "Karen Birkbeck" <<address removed>>
To: <<address removed>>
Sent: Monday, April 26, 2004 12:29 PM
Subject: Growth and Poverty mailing list - first summary from the moderator


Sent on behalf of Gareth Williams

Dear participant,

Welcome to the first weekly summary for the growth and poverty
mailing list.  I will be moderating this discussion group jointly with
Alex Duncan.

Firstly, I would like to thank everyone who has contributed so far.
The discussion has been busy right from the beginning, and it is
most encouraging that we already have twenty excellent
contributions.  I am sure that we will build further momentum as the
discussion proceeds over the next three weeks.

In the short space available it is only possible to summarise some
of the key themes that are emerging.  It is inevitable that some of
the richness and breadth of the discussions has been lost.  I would
therefore encourage readers to keep referring to the website where
the original contributions have been archived:

http://dfid-agriculture-consultation.nri.org/maillists/growth-and-poverty/maillist.html

I would like to highlight six groups of linked questions that have
been the focus of the discussion so far:

*   How does agriculture contribute to pro-poor growth and what are
its limitations?  How do the linkages between agriculture, growth
and poverty vary in time and space?  Is it helpful to focus on
agriculture alone in considering what drives pro-poor growth, or is a
multi-sectoral view essential?

*   Have we paid enough attention to the extent of self-provisioning
in agriculture?  Does this make a difference to our understanding of
agriculture, growth and poverty linkages, and what are the
implications for development policies?

*   What are the linkages between agriculture, hunger and nutrition,
and how does this in turn affect growth and poverty?

*   How is the context of agriculture changing?  How does this
affect linkages between agriculture, growth and poverty, as well as
policy priorities?

*   Should a focus on the intensification on smallholder farming be
the main priority for donor support within the agricultural sector?

*   Is the problem simply to raise investment, or do we need to
think more deeply about problems of governance, organisation and
administrative capacity that prevent resources reaching poor
farmers?

1) How does agriculture contribute to pro-poor growth?

Many participants have responded to Simon Maxwell's questioning
of the "conventional wisdom" that "agriculture is the primary motor
of growth and poverty reduction."   The range of viewpoints
expressed suggest that issue is not clear cut, and that the answer
may be that "it depends".  Andrew Dorward argues that agriculture
plays a different role in poverty reduction at different stages of the
development process.  He suggests that the particular role of
agriculture has been to kick-start poverty reduction at an initial
stage of development when improvements in staple food
productivity have occurred.  This has led to improved nutrition, real
incomes, economic activity, and institutions that have provided a
platform for subsequent growth.  These later stages of growth may
be associated more with non-agricultural sectors and more rapid
poverty reduction.

Buddhika Samarasinghe and Sunil Sinha express a rather different
(although not necessarily opposing) view that agriculture alone is
not able to deliver large-scale poverty reduction.  Where agriculture
has played a significant role in reducing poverty, this has mainly
been through linkages with other sectors - for example, the effect of
rising agricultural productivity on raising wage levels in the
industrial sector.  It is argued that the pattern of growth and
linkages between agriculture and other sectors need to be
understood in particular contexts.

Several contributors have pointed to spatial differences in how
agriculture contributes to poverty reduction and growth.  Paul
Mundy has commented on the diversity of agricultural systems and
the need to avoid a "one size fits all" approach.  Buddhika
Samarasinghe and Sunil Sinha point to significant differences
between Asia, Africa and Latin America in the pattern of growth
and linkages between agriculture and other sectors.   Referring to
the case of India, Bhuban Barah emphasises the heterogeneity of
farming systems at the country level.  Andrew Dorward argues that
the favourable conditions that allowed the green revolution to
reduce poverty and stimulate growth in south Asia are not present
in today's poor rural areas (i.e. areas with low agro-ecological
potential, low population densities, and a high incidence of
HIV/AIDS).

Keith Reed has helpfully suggested that the ability of agriculture to
contribute to growth and poverty reduction depends on presence of
certain preconditions (e.g. infrastructure, and good policies).  It
may be fruitful for the discussion group to consider further what
these preconditions might be.  In his introductory article Michael
Lipton provides a list of three preconditions (adequate incentives,
fairly equal access to land and water, and improvement in
employment intensive farm technology).  Andrew Dorward has also
provided a list of five necessary conditions for starting pro-poor
agricultural growth.

Moving the discussion forward.
I sense that there is going to be a lot more to say on the role of
agriculture in pro-poor growth, and that we will end up with a rather
nuanced, rather than black and white, understanding.  It would be
good to hear more about how agriculture-growth-poverty linkages
have varied between countries and time, and how agricultural
development has affected other sectors and has reduced poverty
through indirect mechanisms.  The policy implications of these
distinctions need to be fully explored.

2) What is the significance of "self provisioning" to debates
about agriculture, growth and poverty reduction?

Andy Bullock has contended that the introductory papers have not
given enough attention to the fact that the majority of the African
poor rely mainly on self-provisioning (i.e. subsistence farming).  His
views are echoed by several others.  Berthold Seibert described the
realities of rural development in Sichuan Province, China, where
farmers' priorities are to secure subsistence production rather than
to face the risks of participating in tricky agricultural markets.
Andrew Macmillan argues that we cannot rely solely on market-
driven solutions, but need also to empower families who remain
largely disconnected from markets and services.

Moving the discussion forward.
I expect that there is rather more to discuss about the extent of
self-provisioning in agriculture, and how this effects growth and
poverty linkages.  To what extent is self-provisioning a cause of
poverty and low growth, or is it simply a response to constrained
opportunities for diversification and growth?  Should donors and
governments push commercialisation as an essential first step in
poverty reduction, or should, as Berthold Seibert has argued, we
recognise the risks of agricultural markets and aim to secure
subsistence needs first?  What is it that prevents farmers engaging
in commercial production?  Are specific strategies required to
support self-provisioning farmers?

3) What are the linkages between agriculture, hunger and
nutrition, and how does this in turn affect growth and poverty?

Andrew Macmillan has referred to research evidence on the links
between improved nutrition and economic growth.  He suggests
that agriculture has special relevance because there are significant
economic benefits to be reaped by raising the adequacy of food
consumption levels of the most undernourished.  In the context of
self-provisioning mentioned above, the links between agriculture,
nutrition and poverty reduction would appear to be particularly
direct and significant.

Per Eklund echoes these themes and calls for greater use of
nutritional indicators (in particular, stunting) to assess progress in
tackling hunger and poverty.

Moving the discussion forward.
Again I think that these contributions raise a lot of questions on
which further discussion would be very welcome.  Does the
recognition of nutrition-growth linkages imply that agriculture's
contribution to growth and poverty reduction may be greater than
previously thought?  Does the use of different indicators to measure
poverty (e.g. consumption measures vs anthropometric measures)
imply rather different development priorities?  Does a focus on
hunger and nutrition objectives require a greater priority to be given
to agriculture?

4) How is the context of agriculture changing?  How does this
affect our understanding of the linkages between agriculture, growth
and poverty?

An interesting contribution from Mark Meassick looks at the
changing context of agriculture.  He identifies a shift away from a
sole focus on primary production towards integration of the whole
value chain "from farmer to fork".  The economic contribution of
agriculture has tended to be undervalued because only primary
production has been considered.  If the whole value chain in the
food industry is measured then agriculture's contribution to GDP
appears much greater.  Mark Meassick also discusses arguments
about the "multifunctionality" of agriculture, and considers that
arguments about environmental and social contributions have some
validity, although these are often used as a ploy to maintain
subsidies.  The increasing diversification of employment and
income sources in rural areas is an important trend that means
that we can no longer take it for granted that smallholders have
excess labour.  In this context labour saving technologies are
becoming increasingly relevant - a different point of view to Michael
Lipton, who calls for employment intensive farm technology.

Moving the discussion forward.
I hope that other contributors will also take up the theme of the
changing context of agriculture.  This is a major theme of Simon
Maxwell's article, which makes numerous predictions on the future
of agriculture.  It would be useful to engage further with each of his
points, and to consider implications for pro-poor growth.

5) Should a focus on the intensification on smallholder farming be
the main priority for donor support within the agricultural sector?

This is one of the main points of contention between the Simon
Maxwell and Michael Lipton's introductory papers.  It has also
been an important theme of the discussion in this group.  The
majority view appears to be that a focus on smallholder agriculture
is required.  Christie Peacock has posted a FARM-Africa policy
paper on the website that argues that the sustainable
intensification of smallholder agricultural production should be a
key component of national anti-poverty strategies in most, if not all,
countries of sub-Saharan Africa.  Andrew Dorward, has suggested
that almost all historical examples of mass poverty reduction have
started with rises in productivity in small family farms.

While recognising the role of small farms, their limitations have
also been discussed by several contributors.  Dick Tinsley,
discusses three specific problems with small farm agriculture: risk
aversion, constrained and sub-optimal decision making and labour
constraints.  A priority emerging from these problems is to make
mechanisation available to smallholders.  Andrew Dorward has
responded to these ideas and has posed a series of questions that
may spark an interesting debate.

Several contributors including Christie Peacock, Dick Tinsley and
Andrew Dorward have discussed the specific problems faced by
smallholders in marketing their produce.  An interesting debate on
the relative merits of cooperatives and private traders has begun.
While I would encourage this debate, it could also be held within
the "economic opportunity" discussion group, which specifically
addresses the question of making agricultural markets work for the
poor.  The key issue for this group is whether marketing problems
faced by smallholders compromises their contribution to growth
and poverty reduction.  For example, can smallholders compete in
today's tightly integrated supply chains, where supermarkets
demand increasingly tough quality and traceability requirements?

Moving the discussion forward.
There is probably going to be a lot more to say on these issues, in
particular to address Simon Maxwell's concerns about the viability
of small farms and his predictions of their decline.  What evidence
is there to support or refute such claims?  In what conditions might
a small farm model of development be appropriate, and in what
conditions is it not?  How can donors support small farm
development effectively?  This question is particularly pertinent in
the light of Berthold Seibert's contribution, and Vinay Chand's
assertion that "small farmers are probably the most difficult to help
in the development process."

6) Is the problem simply to raise investment, or do we need
to think more deeply about problems of governance, organisation
and administrative capacity that prevent resources reaching poor
farmers?

A number of contributors have expressed frustration that the
longstanding policy debate on the role of agriculture does not
appear to have led to a reverse in the falling levels of donor
investment in the sector.  As Andrew Macmillan has argued "there
is always room for fine tuning and further nuancing [of the
arguments], but, at a certain point, this can become
counterproductive, especially if it slows down the process of
deciding on funding commitments for specific programmes and
projects."  Similarly, James Calvert argues that "DFID should not
go on reflecting on what to do next, but must get on with action
now and in a significant, transparent and accountable way."  He
calls for clear targets within DFID on agricultural spending and
activities, as well as proactive lesson learning, a long-term
commitment to supporting developing country policy researchers
and makers, and relevant human resource and skills development
within DFID.

Moving the discussion forward.
I wonder if these views find wider support within the discussion
group, or if there is a range of opinions.  Do we already have a good
enough understanding to make a really sound case for increased
investment in the agricultural sector?  Vinay Chand suggests that
money is not necessarily the problem.   He argues that very little of
the public resources allocated for agricultural development actually
percolate down to the small farmer.   This calls for new thinking in
terms of raising private investment and private sector service
provision.  DFID also needs to develop new thinking on techniques
of reaching small farmers because in Vinay's words "we don't need
money half as much as we need better targeting, management,
control and accountability."  All of these points have important
implications for the way DFID does business, which I am sure the
discussion group will wish to consider further.

The points that Vinay Chand has raised relate to a broad set of
issues concerning problems of governance, organisation and
administrative capacity that prevent resources reaching poor
farmers.   I think that it would be very interesting to open up a
debate on these issues.  If agricultural development (and small
farmer development in particular) really is so good for growth and
poverty reduction, why isn't it happening?  What are the features of
the political-economy of developing countries that limit the
influence of farmers in the policy process and the interest of the
political elite in responding to their demands?  And what in the long-
term are the processes and institutional changes that could
address these obstacles in the political and governance realm and
make pro-poor change more likely?

************

Thank you for taking the trouble to read to the end of this rather
long summary.  Given the volume of material coming in, I will try to
send more frequent summaries from now on.  In my next message,
I'll discuss how we might try to focus the debate over the coming
weeks.

Kind Regards

Gareth Williams Alex Duncan

************


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