New Directions for Agriculture in Reducing Poverty

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Growth and poverty group - Moderator's second summary



This is the second summary of the growth and poverty mailing list.  In the
past week the discussion really has shifted up a gear, and moved in several
fascinating directions.  The number of contributions is snowballing (64 at
the time of writing), which makes the job of the moderator all the more
interesting, but harder.  I have had to be quite selective in summarising
the proceedings, which means that unfortunately it is not possible to cover
all of the points raised in the many interesting contributions.

I would like to focus this summary on the following issues:

1) The core arguments about agriculture, growth and poverty reduction

2) Agriculture and nutrition

3) The changing context of agriculture (urban and peri-urban agriculture,
agricultural diversification, environmental concerns, HIV/AIDS, contract
farming)

4) Aid effectiveness in agriculture

5) Farmers associations

6) Extension

*******************

1) The core arguments about agriculture, growth and poverty reduction

I would like to begin by drawing your attention to Michael Lipton's recently
submitted contribution, which provides a clear and challenging set of
arguments that I am sure that the forum will want to engage with.  Michael
contends that "without sustained initial employment-intensive,
smallholder-based yield growth in agriculture, probably focussing initially
on food staples . the remaining heartlands of world poverty will not reduce
much".  Michael calls this strategy "plan A", and suggests that it is one of
the main requirements for meeting the MDG goal of halving world poverty by
2015.

There are a number of interesting points in Michael's contribution.  First,
he makes a similar point to Andrew Dorward's earlier contribution that the
role of agriculture in poverty reduction is most significant at early stages
of development.  Yield expansion on small farms using employment intensive
technologies is the principal means to support livelihoods initially where
mass poverty prevails.  After 10-20 years of 3%+ agricultural growth, demand
from small farmers and labourers fuelled by agricultural progress, in turn
sets off rapid non-farm growth.

A second crucial point is that donor strategies appear to have moved away
from 'plan A' over the past 20 years, as evidenced by plummeting aid levels
for the agricultural sector.  Michael Lipton calls for "dated targets for
reviving the proportion of aid from the UK, and if attainable for the EU and
World Bank, supporting - in a broad sense - smallholder and
employment-intensive farming."  Increased aid will need to be matched by
more open OECD trade policies, appropriate domestic policy responses and
changing priorities within farm science.

In debating Michael Lipton's arguments, it may be worth revisiting Simon
Maxwell's introductory article that raised a number of concerns with the
plan 'A' type strategy, namely price declines for agricultural commodities,
the small farm focus, and labour scarcity resulting from HIV/AIDS,
rural-urban migration and rural diversification.  Following Michaels
contribution, Milind Murugkar has questioned whether yield growth might be
offset by price falls for agricultural commodities.  This echoes some
contributions last week.  For example, Buddhika Samarasinghe suggested that
successful growth in agricultural commodities can lead to a fall in unit
value of agricultural output.  He relates this to the low income elasticity
and high price elasticity of the majority of agricultural commodities.  His
contribution underlines the central role of sustained rises in productivity
in factor use if farmers' incomes are to be maintained at a time of falling
output prices.  Behind rises in small farmer productivity lies a large
public agenda and a major challenge for farm science (see science and
technology group).  Several contributors have pointed to the harmful effects
of public policies on crop prices (for example Milind Murugkar's discussion
of the Public Distribution System in India and M.A. Sattar Mandal's
discussion of the effect of the dumping of Indian rice on the Bangladeshi
market).

There have been a number of other interesting contributions on the links
between agriculture, growth and poverty reduction.  Louis Bockel refers to
John Mellor's work on the multiplier effect of agriculture on the rest of
the economy.  The multiplier effect is strong because agriculture,
especially smallholder agriculture, generates widely shared income that
tends to be spent locally.  Furthermore, agriculture is part of a commodity
chain with a wide range of upstream and downstream actors, employed in
labour intensive productive activities with a low import content.  M.A.
Sattar Mandal points to the strength of linkages between the farm and
non-farm economy in Bangladesh.

As during last week's discussions, several contributors have suggested that
the links between agriculture, growth and poverty vary between different
places.  Andy Bullock has proposed a three way classification of
agricultural systems: (i) systems based entirely on self-provisioning, (ii)
systems oriented mainly towards export markets, and (iii) the intermediate,
and frequent case, where self provisioning and production for the local
market are intertwined.  The role of agriculture in supporting the MDG's
varies between these cases.

Colin Poulton refers to differences between areas of high and low
agro-ecological potential.  He contends that in areas of low agro-ecological
potential it is hard to see agriculture acting as a powerful growth driver.
However, it may still be worth supporting agriculture in these areas in
order to avoid the costs of providing long-term welfare support.  Seamus
Clearly argues a rather different position that assistance needs to be given
to support exit strategies to help marginal producers move out of
agriculture into alternative activities (e.g. pastoralists in parts of
Mongolia, and Windward Island banana growers).

Colin Poulton also develops the idea 'low level equilibrium trap' that may
limit the contribution of agriculture to growth and poverty reduction in
certain cases.  Referring to fieldwork in western Kenya, he notes that
yields from subsistence maize production are insufficient to allow
investment in improved soil fertility.  This traps households in a cycle of
poverty and soil depletion.  Providing access to markets, knowledge,
improved seeds and credit will be essential to escape the low-level
equilibrium trap and to generate growth and poverty reduction.

2) Agriculture and nutrition

Following on from Andrew Macmillan's contribution last week, Andy Bullock
provides further evidence on the economic benefits of improved nutrition.
However, he reminds us that improved nutrition is a benefit in its own
right.  The MDGs set targets for infant and maternal mortality that depend
for a large part on improving nutrition (as supported by empirical evidence
referred to in Andy's contribution).  Andy argues that the specific role of
agriculture in contributing to raising nutrition levels needs to be more
fully recognised, in particular in the broader context of the MDGs.  These
arguments provide an additional reason to invest in agriculture, going
beyond the case made by Michael Lipton.  They suggest that agricultural
investment is desirable even in cases where agriculture-growth linkages may
not be strong, for example in low potential areas and agricultural systems
characterised by self-provisioning.

Several other contributors have suggested that we need to take a broad view
of the contribution of agriculture to poverty reduction, encompassing all of
the MDGs.

3) The changing context of agriculture

This week's contributions draw attention to a number of interesting trends
in agricultural development:

*   Growth of urban and peri-urban agriculture

Diana Lee-Smith has raised the issue of urban and peri-urban agriculture.
Although this has long been an important (although under-recognised)
phenomenon, urban and peri-urban agriculture has increased in importance.
Farming is an important part of urban livelihood strategies.  Research
suggests that about a third of urban residents in East Africa rely on
farming for a significant portion of their incomes. Urban and peri-urban
agriculture tends to be more market oriented than rural agriculture, and is
usually part of a diverse livelihood strategy.  Diana suggests that: 1) we
need to know more about these livelihood systems, 2) we should assess risks
and benefits, and 3) urban and agricultural policies need to become more
complementary.  Following on from this contribution there has been an
interesting exchange about urban livestock farming (see contributions of
Mahesh Chander and Brigitte Nyambo).

*   Agricultural diversification - Non-crop sectors

Several contributors have pointed to the increasing importance of non-crop
sectors.  Andrew Catley refers to predictions of a 'livestock revolution',
and the opportunities for livestock producers.  His contribution discusses
priorities for livestock development in East Africa (Community-based Animal
Health Workers and animal health standards in international trade).  M.A.
Sattar Mandal describes the rapid growth of high value, non-crop
agricultural enterprises in Bangladesh (livestock, poultry, dairy and shrimp
farming, horticulture and fishing).  He suggests that pond fisheries and
poultry farming offer important opportunities.  However, in the case of the
latter, high risks and capital requirements are an obstacle to the
participation of the poor.

*   Rising profile of environmental issues

Alexandra Gonzalez-Calatayud has called for a discussion on sustainability
and environmental questions concerning agriculture.  She suggests that
"environmental considerations are not an add-on extravagance, but an
essential element for lasting agricultural growth".  Environmental
degradation threatens vital ecosystem services that maintain agricultural
productivity, and is most harmful to the poor, who are the most dependent on
environmental resources. In calling for environmental mainstreaming, she
argues that "what we need now is not new institutions, but new thinking in
old institutions and strategies to ensure the adequate implementation of new
policies."  It is perhaps surprising that there have so far been rather few
submissions on agriculture and the environment, but perhaps this
contribution will stimulate further debate.

*   HIV/AIDS

Per Eklund has suggested that the forum should consider the impact of
HIV/AIDS on farming in sub-Saharan Africa.  I expect other contributors will
wish to address this issue.

*   Contract farming

M.A. Sattar Mandall discusses the benefits growth of contract farming in
Bangladesh, where smallholders are increasingly linked to national and
export markets through contracts with private companies.  This relates to
the points raised in Simon Maxwell's article about the integration of supply
chains and the technical barriers to trade that increasingly constrain
smallholder participation in export markets.  I understand that there has
also been a discussion of these issues in the global trade group.

4) Aid-effectiveness in agriculture

Michael Lipton calls for large increases in aid spending on small-scale
agriculture.  However, a valid case for 'plan A' can only be made if ways of
using aid effectively can be found.  As the debate progresses, we need to
focus more and more on the HOW and not just the WHAT.   Contributions
addressing this, especially those reflecting real experiences, will be of
increasing value.  The questions include, not exhaustively, how the human
and financial resources available can be used sustainably:

*  To support those contextual and underlying forces enhancing agriculture's
contribution to growth and poverty reduction
*  To identify and promote policy change and institutional reform
*  To strengthen capacities in public and private sectors, and in civil
society
*  For successful investment and development projects

Last week a number of contributors raised concerns about the difficulties of
ensuring that resources reach small farmers.  This week John Atibila has
added a contribution comparing the waste of resources in public sector
support for forestry in northern Ghana with a much better targeted, small,
community-managed project.  Per Eklund discusses the risks of elite capture
of resources that is commonly apparent in devolved systems of government.
However, other participants have provided a more optimistic point of view.
John Madeley points to the numerous success stories in supporting
agriculture and farmers' livelihoods.  He calls for DFID to compile a
database of success stories in small-scale agriculture, and to make aid
available for the replication of successful models

There has not yet been much discussion on appropriate instruments for donor
support to the agricultural sector.  However, I expect this will come later.
Per Eklund criticises the move towards budget support, which, he states, is
often dressed up as poverty reduction, but in reality tends not to go far
beyond ministries of agriculture.  I am sure the debate will not be one
sided.  Have there been successful examples of budget support contributing
to valuable reform processes in the agricultural sector?  Can donors really
continue with the project approach given its inherent weaknesses?

I sense that there is an interesting debate emerging on the role of
international institutions in agriculture.  Will Masters questions the
performance of these institutions arguing that "the subsequent decline in
support to agriculture tells us something important about the limitations of
the mix of institutions that are now available to donors."  Other
contributors have stressed that we need to work within the framework of
existing institutions rather than creating new ones (see Alexandra
Gonzalez-Calatayud and Bhuban Barah's contributions).  It would be very
interesting to hear more views on these issues.  Is the international
architecture of institutions working in the field of agricultural
development still appropriate?  By institutional architecture I mean
organisations, such as UN specialised agencies, CGIAR system, other
multilaterals, bilaterals and NGOs, as well as treaties and international
regulations. Are there too many institutions, or too few?  Do mandates need
to be clarified, and overlaps removed?  Are there any major gaps in the
architecture?  Getting the institutions right seems to be an important
precondition for raising levels of support to agriculture in developing
countries.

*****

The rest of this summary deals with farmers associations and extension.  As
previously announced, discussions on these themes have been moved to other
groups.  In order to ensure continuity, I will briefly cover these issues in
this summary before handing over to the other moderators who will continue
the debate.

5) Farmers associations

A vigorous debate has begun on the merits, or otherwise, of farmers
associations.  Several contributors have suggested that the development of
farmers associations should be a central part of assistance strategies.
Andrew Dorward discusses the benefits of farmers associations in lowering
the costs of service provision (especially input supply and marketing) by
achieving economies of scale and reducing transaction costs.  Christie
Peacock, referring to FARM Africa's experiences, points to a whole range of
benefits including: mutual support and encouragement, empowerment and
representation, providing a cost-effective entry point for external support,
service provision and enterprise development.  Vinay Chand argues that there
are many successful examples of farmers associations, but remarks that they
have often been misused and politicised in the past (e.g. agricultural
cooperatives).

A more sceptical point of view is evident in a series of contributions
submitted by Dick Tinsley.  Dick argues that the overheads in establishing
farmers organisations (e.g. building trust, accounting requirements)
generally exceed their benefits.  He suggests that farmers are essentially
individual entrepreneurs and that they are generally not interested in being
organised in groups.  In these conditions the prospects for donors to
establish sustainable farmers associations are very limited.  Dick
challenges the discussion group to consider what proportion of farmers
associations will still be in existence two years after donor funding
ceases.  He argues that private enterprises are a more appropriate means to
deliver services to farmers.  However, farmers associations could play an
important role in regulating private dealers.

I am sure that many participants will have direct experience of farmers
associations and will wish to respond to Dick Tinsley's challenging
arguments.  The debate will continue within the 'economic opportunity'
group.

6) Extension

There has been a very interesting discussion on the future of agricultural
extension systems.  Dick Tinsley questions the appropriateness and
affordability of traditional models of one-on-one extension, and calls for
greater use of mass media and informal means of communication within farming
communities.  He argues that in many developing countries the public sector
is no longer able to deliver effective services because operational budgets
are so constrained.  Dick Tinsley also questions the value of extension
messages, which tend to reflect the idealistic concerns of agronomists to
reach maximum potential yields, and do not take account of the real
constraints faced by farmers.  The ability of farmers to use extension
messages is constrained by the availability of labour and draft power, as
well as the large spread observed in planting dates.   Dick Tinsley argues
that the starting point in extension should be to analyse the constraints
hindering the adoption of innovations, and only then to consider what
technologies may be required.

Other contributors have raised similar concerns.  James Biscoe proposes that
basic economic assessments (e.g. partial gross margins) should be used much
more systematically in deciding which research results to extend to farmers.
On the basis of experience in South Africa, Alastair Bradstock suggests that
new methodologies are required to deliver extension in a structured way.
Vinay Chand comments on the need to promote alternative sources of extension
outside of the public sector, but contrary to Dick Tinsley, argues that
there is no substitute for face-to-face contact between extensionists and
farmers.

A fascinating debate seems to be emerging here, which will be continued in
the 'science and technology' groups.

**********

Thanks to everyone for your excellent contributions.

Kind Regards

Gareth Williams


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