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Dear all, I have been following the discussion from afar, admittedly have not been able to catch up with all contributions, but I was relieved to see the very interesting contribution from Julia Wright which made me realise what it had been that had made me feel uncomfortable with the current consultation. War on Want believes in and supports organisations and movements that struggle to determine a future for themselves, and have their rights as citizens, and thus as voters and policy-influencers, recognised. We don't think that there is a one-fits-all solution to agriculture as a tool for development and firmly believe that rural social movements should be strengthened to enable them to develop those solutions themselves. For us, the best contribution that DFID can make to agriculture is to promote different voices from different rural civil society groups and ensure that International Institutions such as the World Bank, or the European Union, open up for influence and consultation of rural social movements. Time and time again, we have noted that for all the talk that these institutions have about transparency and the importance of civil society, concerns and demands of rural social movements have not been taken up or even considered. An example from only recently is that the European Union is developing Guidelines to guide land policy in all EU member states. Civil society in Europe, let stand in the countries that will be affected by these policies only found out about these Guidelines a year after the drafting group was put together. It was only after pressure from civil society that an internet consultation was organised on the guidelines in March 2004. Admittedly, the paper has included many of the longstanding demands of rural social movements with regards to land reform, for example the recognition that land reform is a political process, and not just a marketing exercise. Nevertheless, the process has been opaque, with very little information about the process of the approval of Guidelines been made available and with very little possibilities for interaction with the drafting group. DFID has a role within the EU, the World Bank and the IMF to prevent such processes from happening. DFID has a fantastic record of consulting and accepting different point of views, but it needs to advocate these at levels where decision making now seems to be more important than at country-level, i.e., Europe and worldwide. Agriculture, particularly in developing and least developed countries, cannot be divorced from land policy and land reform. DFID has made some steps towards recognising this, but it would be interesting to see those thoughts further elaborated within the document on agriculture. Furthermore, it would be interesting to know what has happened to the Land policy document that was in the process of being developed a year and a half ago. It was a very interesting and important process of consultation with a useful document in elaboration, but unfortunately ended up with a not very clear outcome. It would be good to understand better where the process is taking us. Regarding the organisation of small farmers, I would like to make the point that the Movimento sem Terra, landless People movement from Brazil, have managed to create systems of cooperation which have been extremely successful according to a new research from the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro. 83 researchers worked for two years to research more than 15.000 families between 1985 and 1997. They conclude that the 'settlements' in which certain activities are done within a cooperative, and others not, according to the principle of total decision making by the settlers themselves, have improved purchasing power of families, dynamised the local commerce, improved nutrition for settlers, helped to strengthen family links, helped to promote a varied agricultural production and created labour. Unfortunately, decision makers are not very interested in the alternative experiences where small farmer agriculture is proven to work well, and research into the alternative methods with which the MST, or other farmer/landless organisations is producing to reduce dependency on pesticides, special seeds and fertiliser is virtually absent. To end, I would like to draw attention to a statement of a seminar held in Brussels on the EU Guidelines (see below). It sums up much of the above. Best wishes, Lies Craeynest Programme officer War on Want ____________________________________________________________________________ ________________________ Land: Merchandise or Human Right? Promoting rights-based land reform through European land policies for development co-operation Brussels 13-14 April 2004 Final Statement We welcome the initiative of the European Union in embarking on a process of drafting common land policy guidelines for development cooperation. The development of a distinctive "European approach" to land reform issues offers good chances to contribute to the realisation of the human rights of rural populations and to guarantee the food sovereignty of all peoples. Across the world today, land is being transformed from being the base of communities' life into a commodity. Governments and transnational corporations continue to put policies into practice which make the elites ever richer and condemn the majority of the rural population to lives of poverty and social exclusion. The policies of market-led land reform promoted by the World Bank and associated bilateral and multilateral agencies have been instrumental in privatising and concentrating land in few hands at an accelerated pace. Of the 842 million people who are hungry in the world today, three quarters live in rural areas. These market-led land reform policies are part of wider neoliberal economic policies that have to a large extent been responsible for the disenfranchisement and landlessness of millions of people. In Brazil 950,000 small farms have disappeared over the past 15 years. In Colombia three million people have been forcibly displaced since 1985, while a very small minority of the populat official land owners, 0.4%, now owns 61% of the land compared to 35% of the land ten years ago. The implementation of neoliberal policies has fuelled land conflicts and violence in many rural areas throughout the world. Peasants, indigenous people and rural women are often facing political persecution, harassment, death threats and killings because of their struggle for land and for a small holder based agriculture that guarantees economic and social rights of the rural population. While we were holding our seminar in Brussels, for instance, 62 members of the peaceful Landless Peoples Movement of South Africa were arrested on April 14, election day, for criticising land and rural development policies of the government, while they had in no way interfered with the electoral process or violated any law. It is equally violent when thousands of small family farms disappear and entire families are forced to migrate to the slums of the cities. Especially dramatic are the massive suicide cases of indebted small farmers in India. In the federal state of Karnataka alone, last year more than 10,000 desperate peasants saw no other alternative but to commit suicide. The alarming effects of neoliberal policies are present not only in Southern countries, but also in North America and Europe. Policies like the Farm Bill and the European Common Agricultural Policy are responsible in these parts of the world for forcing millions of small farmers out of agriculture and for concentrating food production and land ownership in few hands with disastrous results like several animal diseases outbreaks and food scandals illustrate. Given this situation the drafting process of European land policy guidelines for development cooperation are an excellent opportunity to contribute to the implementation of one key step for the eradication of poverty and hunger and for the realisation of international commitments like the World Food Summit and the Millennium Development Goals. However, the draft land policy guidelines are flawed, in both substance and process. The draft largely ignores the interaction between land policies, trade rules, socio-economic policies, investment and macroeconomic policies. It is not possible for the EU to maintain its positions on international trade and investment, and allow corporations to commit human rights abuses, while still claiming to act in defence of peasants' collective rights. The draft ignores the relationship between land and human rights issues. This relationship is crucial in setting standards, in determining the role of different actors and the necessity and priority of certain reforms and policies. These rights bind not only the governments of the South, but the EU as well. The EU land policy guidelines need to clearly and unequivocally adopt pro-poor standards, and exclude any land policy that will result into or even encourage elite-to-elite transfers, or worse, poor-to-elite transfers of resources under the guise of land reform. Furthermore, the support of land reform goes beyond the physical infrastructure projects. The EU should implement land and agricultural policies that strengthen small farmers' economies and safeguard peasants', indigenous' and communities' land from being commodified and taken over by landlords and agribusiness interests. Without unconditional legal assistance and services, and funding for political mobilizing, the social capital-building vital for successful land reform is impossible. The drafting process has been technocratic and opaque, marginalising peasants, indigenous people, women and other constituencies. In the document, peasants are mentioned only three times, yet they are the policy's key actors. Moreover, no single peasant or landless organisation participated in the electronic consultation on the draft guidelines held in March 2004. We demand that the EU process be opened up to landless movements, peasants, rural women, indigenous peoples, minorities and NGO's who support the rights of peasant families. The land policy guidelines should not be approved without having taken the views of these key actors into account. Therefore a prolonged period of consultation, with transparent and clear rules of procedure, and a commitment of resources sufficient to ensure adequate coverage, are necessary. The terms of consultation should be drawn up democratically, the consultation should enable discussion at regional and international level and include actual meetings between the EU task force on land and the stakeholders. We urge the executive, legislative and judiciary powers of the EU to comply with their human rights obligations related to land and to an adequate standard of living of rural populations. We call on the EU to support a land policy that contributes to free the rural population of violence and repression. The rights to produce and to live in dignity and the rights to food sovereignty of all peoples should be guaranteed. This is the only way the European Union can live up to its commitment of a development policy that eradicates the structural causes of poverty. European Farmers Coordination La Vía Campesina 11.11.11 War on Want FIAN International ============================================================= To send a reply to this message that goes to all list members, make sure that you send your reply to <address removed> To unsubscribe from this list, send an email to "<address removed>", with the message body: unsubscribe growth-and-poverty <your-email-address>
Please visit dfid-agriculture-consultation.nri.org.