New Directions for Agriculture in Reducing Poverty

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Science and Technology: Initial Response



This is an opening response to George's invitation of today.  

I will first introduce myself.  My name is Dana Dalrymple and I am
Senior Research Advisor and Agricultural Economist, International
Research and Biotechnology Team, Office of Environment and Science
Policy, Bureau for Economic Growth, Agricultural Development and Trade,
U.S. Agency for International Development, Washington, D.C.  I have been
involved, through USAID, in CGIAR matters since 1972, and those two
dimensions will probably more than slightly tint my remarks.

To provide a little discipline, at least at the outset, I will start by
commenting on the four topics proposed by George.  In the case of the
first three, I start with some general background remarks, and then turn
more specifically (and more briefly) to George's specific questions.

1. REDUCTION OF POVERTY AND ECONOMIC GROWTH.  While the research needs
for each are "not necessarily the same," they may also are not
necessarily different in important ways.  Perhaps the best-known
example, though one that sometimes tends to get forgotten, is that in
creases in agricultural productivity and food supply lower food costs.
Since the poor spend a higher proportion of their income on food, they
will benefit the most - a reduction of poverty.  The process also
increases local employment and incomes (particularly for those who
market imputs and outputs), which provide a further stimulus to economic
growth.  Hence I agree with Michael Lipton, that significant
consideration should be given to food staples, which have a more
inelastic demand and hence greater price reductions when supply
increases than goods with a more elastic demand.  This characteristic,
however, can work against late adoptors of the technology who may suffer
reduced prices.  One increasingly common answer, typified by Simon
Maxwell, is to turn to the production of higher income commodities with
a more elastic demand.  The problem here is that the poorest producers
may be least able to grow and market these commodities, except under
rather special conditions.  They are hardly a panacea (I have some
knowledge of this: I grew up working on a fruit farm and spent the first
part of my career as a fruit and vegetable markteting economist at the
state and federal level).

In terms of the three subcomponents of George's question, therefore, I
would respond as follows: (a) I think that the CGIAR should be a major,
but not the only, knowledge source for DFID; (b) the CGIAR clearly can
provide an archived central source of information for the commodities
and programs that it covers, but does not have a comparative advantage
at the country level, which should be handled by the governments in
cooperation with others; (c) USAID has, through its regional bureaus,
support to regional networks, and while the results have been variable,
this seems a logical point of entry.  

2. GENERATION OF NEW KNOWLEDGE.  Here I think we should differentiate
between two forms of new agricultural knowledge, the first of which
tends to get overlooked in discussions of agricultral research:
productivity-maintaining research (PMR) and productivity-enhancing
research (PER).  New knowledge is needed for both, though it may
sometimes be more often associated with the latter.  PMR normally only
maintains existing yield levels; this is of basic importance and is not
always easily attained.  While PMR is a necessary condition, it is not a
sufficient condition.  In order to (1) keep up with population growth,
and (2) to go beyond that and provide the basis for economic growth,
further increases are needed in productivity.  While there may be a zone
of overlap between PMR and PER (some exceptionally effective forms of
PMR, such as Bt cotton, can lead to increased productivity and the
process of breeding for increased yield may sometimes/infrequently sweep
some genes for increased pest resistance along with it) - the processes
have  their distinct characteristics.  The relative balance of each
varies with the commodity;  the proportion of PMR is generally higher on
fruits and vegetables, at least in the U.S.  But the level of scientific
knowledge required is not necessarily greatly different.  It might be
reasonable to say that we need new knowledge for both old problems and
new problems.  Since the level of private support for agricultural
research is quite low in most cases in developing countries, the public
sector needs to play a major role in its generation.  While the major
research component must be in-country, external groups such as the CGIAR
can be an efficient and effective source of global and regional public
goods which can then be adapted for, or utilized in developing, local
public goods.

Thus, in terms of the components of George's questions, I would think
that it is essential that DFID to contribute significantly to the
generation of new knowledge and utilize the CGIAR and other IARCs
(AVRDC, ICIPE, IFDC) as a major, but again not only, source.  The
engagement of the private sector is less easily categorized.  We have
found it a willing partner in biotechnology, but that may not be an
attractive area of activity for DFID.

3. INSTITUTIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR S&T.  This is a tough question to
answer.  No donor, to my knowledge, has found a good answer.  USAID
first established a research program in 1962.  From 1962 to 1968, about
$22 million was spent on food and nutrition research.  A candid
assessment was provided by Albert Moseman, who was head of this part of
the overall program from 1965 to 1967, in 1970: "Although the AID
Central Research Program was late in initiation, slow in getting
started, is still inadequately funded, and has been underway for only
about six years, it is a solid step in the right direction and the new
technology and information that is being generated should inprove the
quality and substance of future foreign aid activities.  There is still
uncertaintly, however, about the feasibility of building and maintaining
an effective support base for research and other long-range activities
within an organization so strongly oriented to general economic
assistance, so concerned with highly visible and short-range operational
projects, and so subject to frequent reorganizations."  The
reorganizations may be less frequent now (they are very difficult to get
approved and carried out), but the statement still rings true for many.
The fact that the CGIAR has raised the visibilty and credibility of
agricultural research helps, but does not significantly alter the basic
organizational conditions.

In response to George's questions, I might start by saying that it has
been useful to be in an organization that has both a central office and
strong field activities.  The various central offices I have been
associated with have largely focused on funding international public
goods, and the regional bureaus/country missions have focused on
comparable public goods.  In the case of the CGIAR, the regional/country
programs have often funded more developmentally-oriented activities
(including capacity-building and institutional strengthening) by the
CGIAR centers.  But at the same time, my experience with the more
general organizational side suggests two important conditions.  The
first is that it is essential to have a cadre of
scientifically/technically qualified in-house staff who are not subject
to frequent rotation (as is the lot of foreign service officers).  A
second is that it is essential to have support for research - a somewhat
unnatural activity for a development agency - from the top of the agency
(one may be able to drift along for a while without it, but the drift
will be down).  It is less easy to generalize about the private sector,
except to note that the biotechnology wing of my team has had
considerable interaction with private firms.

4.  BUDGETARY SUPPORT FOR AST AS "OPPOSED TO" TECHNICAL ASSISTANCE.  My
first comment here would be to suggest that we speak more in terms of
"compared to" or 'in balance with."  But beyond that, it is, of couse,
necessary to have AST to be able to provide TA (I became aware of this
at the outset of my first job in extension at the state level [in
Connecticut], when the head of the agricultural economics department
told me that if I was to have anything special to extend I would have to
do some research, and I ended up informally spending half of my time on
extension and half on research; it proved very beneficial).  USAID,
initially thinking that a lot of American and other technology could
simply be transferred to developing countries, gave an early emphasis to
extension.  It soon found that this was insufficient and hence the added
emphasis on research oriented to the needs of  developing nations.  More
recently, what support is provided for TA tends to come from the
regional/country component of the agency, often as part of a larger
package.

Well, this may be enough, perhaps more than enough, to help start the
discussion
 





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